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Although I wasn’t born yet, I, like most people, know that Dominique Michel was one of the two main actresses in the 1966 to 1971 sitcom Moi et l’autre (the other actress was Denise Filiatreault, also a very famous personality). The show was kind of the like the 1960’sThelma and Louise of Québec — and thus has gone down in pop-culture history.
Since then, Dominique Michel has never left the public eye. She was one of the main figures on television when I was growing up, and I would often see her doing stand-up comedy, acting in movies, or staring in various sitcoms. Like most actresses of this league, anyone with such a far reaching career by default becomes a regular figure on the talk-show circuits, award gala ceremonies, and interview programs.
She acted in the very famous movies Le Déclin de l’empire américain and Les invasions barbares, and I specifically remember her as one of the main actresses in the early 2000s television sitcom Catherine (however, she acted in many other famous sitcoms, as well as other famous movies, such as Un zoo la nuit).
She garnered much attention when she appeared a number of years back on Tout le monde en parle, after having lost her hair due to treatment for colon cancer. I think it took a lot of people aback because society was used to always having Michel in the background when growing up – she was just always there – and then all of a sudden her illness was apparent and real. Fortunately she has recovered, and at 77 years old, she is appreciated by everyone as being one of the central “rocks” of modern Québec and Montréwood pop-culture.
In the recent genealogical show “Qui êtes-vous?” she traced her roots back to France, and found out that her ancestor discovered Wisconsin (now part of the USA), and a descendant of one of her family lines is now the president of Bombardier.
Occasionally in pop-culture, a force of nature comes along – someone who achieves so much fame, so quickly, that you would think they could not possibly achieve much more. But I have a feeling that Antoine Olivier Pilon will beat these odds. Born in 1997, he started out as a child actor at 12 years old. At the ages of 13, 14, and 15 he continued to receive various roles on television and movies. But a brief chain of events in 2013 changed his life forever. He now is not only one of the best known faces in Québec and Canada, but also to movie audiences around the world.
In 2013, his name became intertwined with two huge names: Indochine (one of France’s most popular and culturally significant music groups), and Xavier Dolan, one of Québec’s and Canada’s most critically award-winning movie writers and directors.
Pilon starred in Indochine’s controversial music video “College Boy” in 2013. The music video was directed by Xavier Dolan. It was a statement against bullying, but was filmed using such a controversial portrayal of violence that it came with age-restriction caveats. Nonetheless, not only was his likeness linked to Indochine, it also associated him with works directed by Xavier Dolan, which would forever change his life and career.
At 17 years old and with several “best” category awards under his belt, Pilon has become an international heart-throb; instantly recognizable on the streets in Canada and France, as well as elsewhere.
Currently, he is a co-star in one of Montréwood’s hottest weekly TV drama series, Mémoires vives, on ICI Radio-Canada (1,165,000 weekly viewers), as well as one of the main characters in the youth television program Subito texto, on Télé-Québec.
Considering the major roles he has garnered, as well as the degree of acclaim, success and awards he has achieved, decades of endless possibilities lie ahead of him. I think we’re seeing more than just a star in the making (he’s already achieved the status of a start) – but rather the potential to be a future cultural icon. Antoine Olivier Pilon is someone I believe we’ll be seeing a lot of.
When looking for clips of his work, please stick to official sites and do not pirate. Our artists form part of our cultural fabric.
Anne Dorval is one of Québec’s best known television and movie actresses.
Despite being a rather famous actress, we don’t see her very often on the talk-show circuit. However, the other day she made news waves and was the talk of the town when, in France, she was a guest on the French talk show On n’est pas couché. She had a rather emotional on-air outburst towards fellow-guest, Eric Zemmour who is well known in France for extreme right, counter-current societal views (in this case she lambasted him over his views of what a traditional family should be and his views against homosexuality). It was headline news back here at home (it ranked high in Le téléjournal amongst other news programs). We saw her in a light we rarely see her, and she vividly defended Québec societal views during her exchange with Zemmour (which are on part with greater-Canadian views on the same topics) before a National audience in France.
She has acted in so many television shows and movies, that there’s no way I could adequately cover her appearances and career in this post. Suffice to say, she’s as famous to Francophones as what any of the most famous Hollywood actors would be to Anglophones. Her long list of prestigious awards goes hand-in-hand with the course of her career.
Some of the more famous television series in which she has stared include Les Parents, Virginie, and Chambres en ville.
Her movie line-up is quite impressive with culturally-iconic titles such as Ding et Dong, J’ai tué ma mère, and Mommy (which is winning accolades the world over at this moment).
Marc Labrèche is one of the main faces of Montréwood and Québec television. I also happen to think he’s one of the funniest guys alive! He is another one of those versatile celebrities, known to all in Québec, who can be categorized under many categories of this blog; movie actor, stage actor television actor, comedian, and interviewer. He has appeared in so many productions of each of these categories that, in order to keep this post short, I can only lightly touch upon a few highlights of his career.
If I could describe him in two words, they would be “hilarious” and “quick-witted” (ok, ok… that’s 2.5 words). Consequently, the roles he is sought for call specifically for those two characteristics. Those are also two characteristics which tend to often attract the public’s attention above all others. He’s a master of these two traits, and consequently is seen everywhere on TV and in movies – and is one of those people who incarnates modern Québec pop-culture. You’re guaranteed a laugh, sometimes following a politically incorrect poke, regardless of his role.
He’s been an upfront role in Francophone television series which have gone down in the history books as being Montréwood classics. If you want to really experience what a couple of generations of Québécois have grown up watching, talking about, and joking about, then check out some his better-known roles:
- La petite vie; one of the most wildly popular TV comedy programs in Québec and Canadian history, breaking the 4 million viewership mark. Although it has been off the air for many years, it is still the subject of talk and jokes for an entire generation.
- (1) La fin du monde est à sept heures, (2) Grand blond avec un show sournois, (3) 3600 secondes d’extase; all satirical news and comedy programs from the 90’s and 2000’s – sharing some similarities to SNL’s Weekend Update and The Daily Show — with added skits and twists.
If you were to see footage of the above, you would get a real feel for Montréwood comedy styles and what kind of humour resonates with Québec.
One of his more notable movie roles is as a lead player in Denys Arcand’s 1997 movie L’Âge des ténèbres.
Anybody who is anybody in Montréwood knows Labrèche or has worked with Labrèche. I’m sure we’ll continue to see his talent on the petit écran in our homes and the grand écran in the theatre for years to come.
Crampes-toi pas trop!
PREFACE: I wrote another post on Julie Snyder, complete with videos, which traces how she has gone from a show-biz celebrity to a de facto politician for sovereignty. You can read that post here: Québec’s 20 most trusted individuals: 14th and 15th positions [post 8 of 11] (#263)
We’re now half way through the group of 12 famous Quebec personalities who most Anglophones could not identify when polled (see the previous post “The Poll that Shocked”). We’ll continue with the remaining 6 personalities mentioned in the polls.
Julie Snyder, like Guy Lepage (earlier post), is a well-known interviewer and TV show producer, but the nature of her productions are quite different.
I particularly remember growing up in rural Alberta, watching Julie Snyder’s show L’enfer c’est nous autres after school on Radio-Canada in the early / mid-90s — light-hearted TV variety show in which she conducted amusing interviews, or took part in various events. She always wore eccentric-themed dresses (flower bouquets glued on her dresses, a working water-fountain dress, a dress in the shape of unlikely objects like a guitar, bowling pin, etc, etc.). Her wacky clothes became her trademark of sorts and added to the fun atmosphere of her shows. If one of your friends was wearing any piece of flashy clothing, you could joke with them that they looked like a “Julie, in the flesh” (the uniting factor of pop-culture).
Born in 1967, she’s been on and off the TV since age 18 (more “on” than off). A couple of generations have grown up watching her on television.
Her interviewing style matured into a more conventional manner with the inception of her show Le Poing J on the TVA TV network in the latter half of the 1990s. Her interviewees were newsmakers in cultural spheres (singers, actors), and she also brought on various controversial figures as well. Her handling of controversial topics earned her a new respect, and her style as an advocate for numerous societal issues began to define her in the eyes of the public.
After hosting her own interview show in France for a couple of years, she returned to Québec and galvanized her name (and career) into the history books as the TV producer and host of the wildly popular, weekly reality TV singing competition Star Académie which aired on TVA for 10 years until 2012 (you’ll recall from an earlier post that Marie-Mai’s career was launched on Star Académie – with Julie having played a direct hand in the launch of Marie-Mai’s career, as well as those of many others). Because of her show helped to launch so many singing careers, the ampler, popularity and impact of her show on the Québec singing industry cannot be underestimated (in terms of artistic contribution, as well as pure economics). Closely resembling Canadian Idol in style, but with a much deeper concentration of viewer penetration, Star Académie repetitively drew in over 2 million viewers, breaking records for viewership for a Canadian television program.
Snyder put Star Académie on hold in 2012 and concentrated on other matters, while continuing to develop, produce and host the television game show Le Banquier on TVA (a show similar to “Deal or No Deal”). Because the prize stakes are so high (prizes climbing as high as $1,000,000), the show attracts record audiences (exceeding 2 million viewers – again, record breaking territory for Québec and Canadian television).
Being a central figure in the star-culture of Québec, some of her best known friends are amongst some of the biggest stars and icons in Québec, as well as the francophone world in general. Her friendship with Céline Dion is particularly prominent. It’s often a publicly shared friendship, and Julie and Céline are regularly seen together on television, with Céline having been featured in Julie’s numerous shows.
Pop-culture in Québec often crosses paths with politics. While most celebrities do remain politically neutral on the public stage, the political opinions of many well-known artists and icons are sometimes thinly veiled and can often discerned by the public (after all, 1+1 always equals 2). But only a handful of celebrities venture to publicly endorse specific political parties, ideologies, or people in an overt manner. Snyder’s personal integrity for standing up for issues she feels strongly about is well-known, and she by no means has hidden her political inclinations — throwing her support behind the Parti Québécois and sovereignty.
[Note: The purpose of this blog is not to politicize celebrities — even if they politicize themselves in the grandest of ways. So I’ll leave it to the readers to do their own research if further interest exists. However, from time to time, I may bring up political affiliations if it may provide depth of context for the topic being discussed.]
Apart from her political activism, Julie Snyder is also a staunch advocate of several issues, including gender equality, specific health-related matters, and state secularism in Québec (with the latter having been a hotly debated issue in the last provincial election – further defining Snyder’s political activism).
Much of her career has developed and continues to be featured on TVA (you’ll recall the last post highlighted Pierre Bruneau’s career on TVA). Snyder’s spouse of almost 15 years, Pierre Karl Péladeau (often simply referred to as PKP), is the former CEO of Québecor, the communications company which owns TVA. The Péladeau family continues to run Québecor. Pierre Péladeau is now a Parti Québécois MNA in the Québec legislature (the equivalent of an MLA, MPP, or MNL). They have children together.
Julie’s career continues to flourish, and it is certain that her influence, popularity, and causes close to her heart will continue to leave their mark on Québec society and culture as a whole.
Suggestions for additional research:
- Star Académie
- Le Poing J
- Le Banquier
Please only view non-pirated content through official websites when conducting web-searches for content. Songs featured on Star Académie are available for purchase through legal venues (please do not pirate – the hard work of artists form part of our cultural fabric).
Continue to refer back to this post every few of months (I may update it periodically). Snyder’s political engagement has become more and more public and more frequent since initially writing this post. She makes regular political on-air statements, and in late 2014 engaged in a battle of words (a very bitter, personal and public one at that) with the CAQ leader, François Legault (and Snyder has in the past lambasted Premier Couillard when he was a former Health Minister in Jean Charest’s cabinet).
Without having been elected, her political self styling and her use of a very large public microphone is beginning to show traits of morphing into a de facto politician, without a seat or portofolio of course. As Québec’s most watched person on television, she is using her role to compliment and back-up the political campaigning and positions of her husband, the billionaire media-mogul, Pierre Karl Péladeau (who is expected to become the leader of the Parti Québécois, lest the tide unseeingly turns against him in the run-up to the PQ leadership convention in May, 2015).
It is quite interesting, and considering this very different and new “business empire”-cum-“media-star” political partnership, neither Québec, nor Canada has ever seen something quite like this before (the Snyder-PKP political team). It could possibly lead to one of the most significant political shake-ups and show-downs in Québec’s and Canada’s history.
Without wanting to overplay it, only time will tell if it goes down this road.
A four to eight year chess-table is being slowly laid out. However, we are only at the very beginning of this game, and not nearly enough moves on that chess table have been made yet to tell what direction it will take. Syder’s and PKP’s ultimate goal is Québec’s sovereignty – full stop, period! And for them, the faster the better (PKP has said in the last few weeks that he has zero interest in governing Québec. He wants to get in, hold a referendum, win it, and then get out).
But because the chess moves are only starting to be made, there are way too many factors to tell what will happen. Some of the unknowns:
- Couillard’s government still has four years to govern. At the end of those four years, will he be more popular than PKP, and if so, will that thwart PKP’s hopes of becoming Premier in the next government mandate? If not, will PKP be interested in sticking around for a whole “eight years” for the second general election if he can’t win the next one? Will his party tolerate such a situation?
- The “Conflict-of-interest wildcard”: Will he be allowed to keep his media fortune without being forced to sell it off? Many believe he would never HAVE made it this far if it wasn’t for his and Snyder’s fame, money and influence convincing decision makers to day to put their confidence in PKP (ie: people in the party and PKP’s riding voted for him because of his stature). But many feel this gives an unequal and unfair advantage, and thus are advocating for him to be forced to sell his media empire.
There is also a fear (even in certain aspects of the sovereignist movement, that the TVA/Canoe/newspaper news & commentary segment of his media empire will not challenge him, for fear of what happens when he returns to the CEO seat after politics). It becomes extremely complicated and interwoven with so many other aspects: His wife, Snyder, is the most watched person in Québec media – either on stage or as the creator of Québec’s most popular programs – and she is given free reign because here projects are all on her PKP’s personally owned networks – and thus that holds huge influence over the electorate. Also refer to the prior post No Way, Le Figaro! for poignant examples of other complicated twists this whole rigmarole is taking — to the point that it is now reaching as far away as Alberta.
With this being said, there’s also another Julie Snyder association to the whole “conflict-of-interest” conundrum. In Québec, to ensure all candidates and parties are on equal footing and nobody has more of an advatage than others (either for party positions, or elected positions), there are very strict spending laws with respect to campaigning and advertising. Travel and paid television airtime is included in this equation. Those with the most media expoure often tend to have a leg up anytime there are party votes or electorate votes. Spending caps are designed to even out the amount of media exposure any one candidate can get. BUT it has the appearance of a conflict of interest when PKP has the money to pull “personal” media attention-getters, and when Snyder has the television programming power with which to air those activities as a “private family affair” (rather than a politcial one).
It’s seemlingly an important possible loophole which other politicans (foes or friendly) cannot compete with. I’ll give you a couple of examples. A couple of months there was the ice-bucket challenge. Snyder and PKP went on a “family vacation” to the Madeleine Islands where they participated in the ice-bucket challenges as a “family.” Snyder was interviewed and was part of a great deal of media appearances (both live, and as repeat feeds), with her husband standing in the background, just “tagging along” (I watched it live on TVA Salut Bonjour). It was not considered a political campaiging expenditure in the legal sense, but it had all the allures of campaigning to far off regions of Québec, raising PKP’s profile in those regions, and then broadcast repeatedly across the province through Snyder’s own “private” media appearances. How can other politicans compete with this?
The same thing happened with their “family” jaunts to Scotland and Barcelona to be present for their respective referendums. In many ways, the Snyder-PKP self-paid family vacation became just as much the news story as the referendums themselves. PKP spends the money, and Snyder pulls in the television appearances. It’s an issue – and this is why attempts have been made to come up with some sort of binding parliamentary resolution requiring that Party heads (ie: PKP, should he win the PQ party leadership) “and” their immediate relatives (ie: Julie Snyder) must sell all shares which they hold in any media company (rather than just restricting it to Party heads). PKP already said there’s no hope in hell that he will do that.
He states his ownership of Québecor was inherited from his father, and he has every intention to pass it to his own children when they become adults (they’re young children right now). (Note: Snyder owns Productions J, which produces all of her shows – much like Oprah’s company “Harpo”… and then Productions J sells them to or cooperates with Québecor and its media affiliates to air her programs – which in turn, owing to the fact that they constitute some of the most successful TV programs in Québec’s and Canada’s history, bring in Québecor’s/TVA’s/QMI’s ratings – and thus a huge chunk of PKP’s sorce of cash. It’s complicated, but can you follow?).
Will attempts to restrict politicians from owing media companies be successful, and can such a resolution be passed? I don’t know. Due to the complexity of the matter, many people have their doubts (there are major legal, and possible constitutional implications). Laval University, which Couillard requested to produce a research paper and recommendations on the issue, declined due to the politicization of the topic. But what happens if such a binding resolution can be attained? And what happens if it cannot? Both answers have major implications.
- IF PKP does become Premier in 4 years time (and, of course, there is no way of knowing), who will be in power in Ottawa to face him down in a possible referendum? Will it be Harper? (with a minority or majority government?), Trudeau? (with a minority or majority government?). What will they be able to bring to the table to counter PKP? Harper has never been popular in Québec, and his French is not good enough to carry on any type of major debate in French (imagine what would have happened in the 1995 referendum if Canada’s Prime Minister at the time was rock bottom in the polls in Québec and could not have debated or carried any make-in-or-break-it speeches or arguments in French!!).
What about Trudeau? PKP is arguing that Trudeau’s father (Pierre) is responsible for all of Québec’s woes. Will PKP-Snyder use the media to try to transform that into some type of provocative public anger against Trudeau, leading to Trudeau having to enter a referendum fight with low popularity? Will Justin Trudeau be able to counter other Snyder-PKP societal connections in Québec’s media? (Snyder is well connected with Québec’s media, and there is a possibility she could organize a large segment of Québec’s media against who ever is in power in Ottawa. Imagine what would happen in 10 or 20 of Québec’s most popular and influential celebrities and television figures all publicly turned against Ottawa at once – be it Harper or Trudeau. Read the post Le Plateau for a bit more insight into this card).
- PKP is not immune to ideological criticism. He is currently campaigning as a left-of-centre politician to rally the PQ’s traditional base, but many people are pointing out that his past actions as a major business figure fly in the face of this (ie: his past as a union buster, fiscal conservative, and numerous other associations indicate he has right-right ideologies). This has divided many people who support the Parti Québecois. He needs a united supporter base with which to advance any agenda (either prior to or after any PQ leadership campaign). Will he be able to move forward if that base is fractured regarding their take on him? Is this where Snyder will try to intervene to consolidate that base via her position as a powerful media figure?
- But, with all this said… Québec’s public today is VERY DIFFERENT than Québec’s public in 1995 and 1980. There is no longer life-long loyalty to any one party, and dare I say to any one ideology in Québec. In very general terms, Québec’s electorate is very much like electorates elsewhere in Canada (it’s no longer the odd-sheep out in that asepect – and is very much a Canadian electorate in form and substance). It seems that Québec’s public votes based on “feelings”, the “personality” of party leaders (with less emphasis on party platforms or a party’s ideology than what existed 20 years ago), and they they vote more and more in “pragmatic” rather than ideological terms (ie: how will their vote affect their wallet and services — and in particular, retirement.
Remember, Québec’s population is getting older). PKP’s life has been devoted to business (the Snyder-PKP team are billionaires)… and will he be able to win over such an electorate considering his platform is ideological? Will he be able to use his and Snyder’s media and business history to shift what is essentially an ideological argument to one which can be viewed as a practical one? That’s a major shift, and if has never been tried before in the sovereignty sense… at least not to the extent it will have to be tried if he wishes to win a referendum.
- Will Snyder be able to use her media profile to isolate Ottawa and wrestle away the hearts and minds of Québec? (She is already producing some popular programs, which happen to also be quite nationalistic).
- What happens if Couillard shows that his fiscal cut-backs were good for Québec in four years time? Will PKP be able to win based on the economy-card if Couillard takes the wind out of his sails.
- We’re heading into possible turbulent times with the drop in oil prices… but it could be good for Québec’s export sector, and could keep Couillard in power in four years time. What will PKP do then?
- On the reverse side, what happens if oil prices rebound, even to record heights, in four years’ time? If the dollar goes through the roof, it could spell dark days for Québec’s manufacturing, exports, and thus any ruling party. Will that be a god-send for PKP to defeat Couillard? Will the Snyder-PKP team pounce on the opportunity through the media and consolidate their chances?
- If there is a new Printemps Érable in the spring of 2015 in protest regarding Couillard Liberal budget cuts (right around the time of the PQ convention – which is possibly why the PQ leadership convention was delayed until May 2015), how much momentum and ammunition will that give to PKP? And will it have a tangible effect he can carry with him for 3-4 years until the next general election? Keep in mind that Snyder was a major figure in the Jeannettes movement of the last Printemps Érable in 2012… and she could use her media position to build it into a downhill rolling snowball (which has to crash into something at some point). Just how long can they keep that snowball rolling?
Can Léo Bureau-Drouin, Martine Desjardins, and Gabriel Nadeau-Dubois be rallied to support any stances PKP or Snyder may take in any future Printemps Érable? (They were key figures, and arguably the success-drivers of the last Printemps érable. Their notariety and inclusion in any future Printemps érable may be a necessity, but which may come with a double-edged sword for Snyder-PKP). Whereas Bureau-Drouin’s and Desjardin’s support can almost be guaranteed (with them both having respectively been a former PQ MNA and defeated PQ MNA cadidate), Nadeau-Dubois may prove to be a thorn in the side of any Snyder-PKP attempts to fuel, fan, or even organize a new Printemps Érable. Nadeau-Dubois is already giving clear signals that he is not a fan of PKP, let along a supporter. Lise Payette even tried to convince him in late 2014 to at least support PKP in principle for the sake of sovereignty, if for nothing else, but he wouldn’t hear any of it.
Seeing as Nadeau-Dubois is the most publicly followed of the three “Érabliers-à-trois” (for lack of a better term for these three individuals), what will happen if he denounces PKP (or Snyder) in any new Printemps érable, either in spring 2015, or any time after that? There’s a possibilty it could fracture the PQ, and sovereignists in general, even more than what they already are.
- As you can see above, there are a number of bumps in the road, and mini-hurdles which would have to be overcome, one-by-one, step-by-step, for the Snyder-PKP team to achieve their goal. In the behind-the-scenes strategy rooms of the Parti Québécois (and perhaps more relevant, in PKP’s own office), they would have to lay out a road map… a long scroll with a beginning (now) and and end (sovereignty), and every step, as well as every hurdle which could come along between those two points. So as to stay on track, they would have to take their best guesses as to how they would chronologically play out.
What not many in the media have picked up upon is that Couillard, to date, seems to be a “silent” strategist. I get the impression he’s not thinking one step ahead, but perhaps 10 or 20 steps ahead (I could give numerous examples, but I won’t go into that here). Bottom line, I’m guessing he probably has the ability to also draw out a mirror image of the same political strategy the PKP team has drawn for themselves, and he’s likely to try to thwart off in advance (quite possibly with large degrees of success) numerous necessary steps in the Snyder-PKP strategy road map… perhaps so far in advance, and to such a degree of effectiveness, that it could make it so the Snyder-PKP team can’t even find the anticipated foot-holds they were hoping and planning for (simply because Couillard was able to anticipate them in advance, and remove those footholds). This is pure conjecture on my part, but Couillard is a brain surgeon by profession, and he has an extremely analytical mind. He’s shown this with numerous decisions he has made.
- And then, probably the most import factor, what about Québec’s general lack of appetite for a referendum or hard sovereignty stances (which is very different from soft nationalism, or even a soft sovereignty position). The hard sovereignty advocates of yesteryear (much of the generation from the 1970s) are now going into retirement, if they’re not already there. It takes public support to win a political battle.
Has the PKP-Snyder team taken up the torch too late? The younger generations and immigrant 1st & 2nd generation Québécois, those which more economic room to risk, have a much more “global outlook” on life and their place in the world (as opposed to a “nationalistic inward outlook”, which has always been needed in the past in order to consolidate mass support for sovereignty.
The last attempt to foster this type of “nationalistic inward outlook”, La Charte des valeurs, didn’t exactly go very far, and even backfired to a large degree). Perhaps the Snyder-PKP team may simply be too late for the times, and perhaps, if for nothing else, this could already predetermine the destiny of their efforts. But we will not know this until a good number of chess moves are played in the coming months, and possibly coming years.
As you can see… there are a million different things which could happen. But if you follow things (and you can only really do so in French if you wish to get a true “feel” for what is happening – which is the reason why Anglophone media hasn’t seemed to clue in to any of this), you can see the starting point of strategies and various plans (A, B, C, D, etc.) taking form by way of subtle statements and stances in the media.
It’s really anybody’s guess. But I guarantee you, the run-up to the next provincial election in four years time will be anything but dull. Stay tuned.
ADDENDUM 2015-04-01: A few updates…
- PKP sold off Sun News TV, but still owns all the rest
- PKP’s campaign transportation (charting airplanes) will be accounted for as campaign expenses
- The 2012 student protest leaders (Desjardins, Bureau-Drouin, Nadeau-Dubois) are nowhere to be seen during the renewed (but sputtering) 2015 spring student protests. The rest pretty much remains the same (for now).
- The spring student protests were a total flop. They sputtered, then their leadership started to in-fight, they then became the laughing stock of all, then they died. The super-hero trio of 2012 (Nadeau-Dubois, Bureau-Drouin, and Déjardins) was nowhere to be seen. Instead, the leadership consisted of no-name and incoherent unknowns.
- Unlike 2012, there was nothing Snyder could have involved herself in, protest-wise, without looking like she would be involving herself in something foolish. So that was out of the cards for her this time around.
- Yesterday Dominic Maurais of Radio-X interviewed Vincent Marissal, a well-known newspaper columnist. Marissal wrote a column in which he touched upon a massive star-studded rally Snyder is trying to put together for the crowining of PKP as head of the PQ.
- Marissal states that he has inside info that Snyder is wielding her influence as one of Québec’s best connected media and cultural personalities to call in favours from many in the artistic world her owe her one (singers, artists, TV personalities, etc.). She is trying to get 101 personalities to appear in a massive show to support PKP on May 8th.
- Marissal asserts that this has left many artists uncomfortable, but many owe her for past favours. It is a conundrum for many artists. In addition, many fear being damage to their careers if they refuse to Snyder’s call, and subsequently find themselves locked out of Québecor’s (TVA, and by extension Productions J) media sphere (which controls 40% of Québec’s media).
- Later on the same interview show, Pierre Céré, one of those running for the head of the PQ, insinuated that Vincent Marissal’s assessment is not necessarily wrote. He stated that it worries him, That is big news – and it is going over the head of most people.
- To add to all of this, the purported rally is to take place in Québec City’s new Ampithéatre ($90 million hockey & multi-purpose stadium) owned by Vidéotron, which is owned by Québecor, and thus owned by PKP. It may take the defacto form of a giant “Thank-you PKP” festival (after all, Québec City die-hard hockey fan residents have been desperate for the construction of a new stadium with which to try to attract the Nordiques back to the city). The rally’s goals would thus be to win the hearts and minds in the Québec City region, and turn them to PKP, AKA Jesus — all in a region where PKP and the PQ desperately need votes.
- If people were only aware…
- My thoughts: An extremely dangerous situation, if it’s true. What single other politician (provincial or federal) can compete with such Snyder-PKP tactics. Whether it works or not will be whether people manage to see through it.
From here on in, for the sake of simplicity and efficiency, anything political to do with the PKP-Snyder-PQ ménage à trois will be written as addendums to the post No Way, Le Figaro! (#76) (Click the preceding link to access that post).
I also wrote a piece on her background and how it fits into her officially becoming the unofficial (or unofficially becoming the official) one-woman communications / publicity / marketing department of the entire Parti Québécois and Bloc Québécois political machine.
You can read it here in the post Québec’s 20 most trusted individuals: 14th and 15th positions [post 8 of 11] (#263)
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